Justice Ginsburg hospitalized; became ill at work

(Washington) , the 76-year-old justice who underwent pancreatic earlier this year, fell ill at work after a treatment for and was hospitalized overnight.

Ginsburg was taken to at 7:45 p.m. EDT Thursday and would remain there for the night as a …

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History Is on My Side, Says Calif. Justice Who Voted Against Gay-Marriage Ban

stood alone in May when he dissented from the decision upholding Proposition 8. But the California justice says history will prove him right — that denying and the right to marry is illegal .

“Someday at some point my will be the in California,” he said during an interview in his late Wednesday. “I think that’s where the law is headed.”

“Equal protection is either equal or it’s not,” he added. “It’s not the kind of thing you can chip away at.”

Moreno, one of four justices to back same-sex marriage last year and the against Prop 8 this year, took time to talk to The Recorder about his votes, his brief moment on the administration’s short list for the nation’s highest court, and U.S. nominee ’s controversial “wise Latina” comment.

Moreno’s in Strauss v. Horton, 46 .4th 364, came at a touchy time for him. He had been contacted by the administration a week earlier as a possible replacement for retiring U.S. Justice . Since has officially stated his to same- , it could be assumed Moreno’s position on and Prop 8 might be troublesome.

But, Moreno said, ’s didn’t ask him how his Prop 8 — which wasn’t yet public — would go.

“They just asked if there were any high- cases — past or present, including on the — that would be the kind of case that would draw attention.”

See History Is on My Side, Says Calif. Justice Who Voted Against Gay

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Vacouver couple forced to pay fine after harrassing gay neighbors

(Vancouver) Patricia and Harrison have been ordered by a British justice to pay $15,000 (approximately $13,000 U.S.) for harassing and tormenting a couple who lives next door to them.

Rod and , who have lived in the four since 2006, said …

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NY judge tosses Senate case back to lawmakers

(Albany) A judge says he won’t rule on last week’s of the New York by a coalition of and dissident , which leaves and other issues up in the air.

State Justice is dismissing the case, saying it’s improper for the court …

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Ga. Supreme Court rules against ban against allowing kids around father’s gay friends

The Georgia tossed out part of a court’s decision that kept a divorced father from allowing his children to interact with his , according to a ruling today from the state .

In the ruling, Justice wrote the high court acknowledges that have the to “limit a parent’s exposure of the children to certain , if it can be shown that the children would be adversely affected.”

In this case, the justices rejected Judge Christopher ’ ban on having the father bring his around his children. has been nominated to fill the a seat on the state after steps down at the end of June.

“The blanket against exposure of the children to of the and community who are acquainted with husband is another matter,” says today’s opinion. “There is no evidence in the record before us that any member of the excluded community has engaged in in the presence of the children or that the children would be adversely affected by exposure to any member of that community.”

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LA Times Editorial: A court battle California doesn’t need

The ’s ruling last week in the case of a grandiosely unethical justice opened a new field of constitutional review — the high court may now consider when an elected state court has been so tainted by that requires him to recuse himself from a case.

In , a coal executive spent more than $3 million to unseat a sitting state justice; it was well spent, as the justice was defeated by voters and replaced by Brent Benjamin. Benjamin then did what was expected of him and cast a deciding in overturning a $50-million against the executive’s .

Benjamin’s in the case assured him a place in the ’s of , and his was so blatant that the U.S. majority that rebuked him argued that it was not opening the door to many future . Surely, it reasoned, no justice will behave this badly again. That may or may not prove to be true — the court offered little in the way of guidance as to what constitutes impermissible — yet Benjamin’s case sadly but surely will not be the last in which big- and collide.

Indeed, California has wrestled with this problem before — and quite possibly could again.

California’ for selecting justices is much better than ’s. Candidates for the court here are nominated by the governor, confirmed by a state commission and then placed on the . They must periodically stand for retention, but they are not, as they are in , subject to direct challenge by candidates. A retention election can cost a justice his or her seat, but it does not let voters kick out one justice and install their own replacement.

California’s rules have helped balance the ’s independence with the public’s fair on accountability, but even this state’s reasonable retention process has been subject to tilt. Most notable was the 1986 retention election that removed Bird and two , Cruz Reynoso and Joseph Grodin. Much has gone into that race in the since, and opinions differ on its . Two truths, however, stand the test of deep inquiry: The forces arrayed against Bird were not motivated solely by her to the — that was cover for a second complaint, which was her defense of consumer rights against corporate power — and Reynoso and Grodin were victims of a special-interest crusade against a vulnerable chief.

Would that we could relegate that episode to California’s history. In fact, the state rumbles with discontent over its high court and chief, and those stirrings contain alarming of the battle of 1986.

At issue are the court’s rulings on same- and Proposition 8, and its , Ronald M. George. In May 2008, the court overturned the state’s ban on , striking a for in the grandest of constitutional protection of . A few months later, after voters approved Proposition 8 and amended the state to ban the same institution that the court had upheld, George and his upheld the amendment. Both times, George wrote for the majority. He thus angered of in 2008 and supporters of it in 2009.

By California’s rules, George a retention election in 2010, and some predict that he could from either side — or even both — in this polarizing .

That would be a for the state’s , an unfortunate attack on and an unfair castigation of one of this state’s most principled and admirable public officials. In the - cases, George’s votes demonstrated , professionalismand restraint. He voted to uphold same- out of the strong — which this page shares — that the does not allow society to deny the protection of to any more than it once denied it to those united across race. The ruling was right on the law, and will certainly be validated over the long march of history.

Months later, voters tacked in the other , narrowly rejecting and amending the to allow California to recognize only the of . That was challenged, naturally, and the lawsuit offered the court the opportunity to extend its earlier ruling, though on shaky for same- argued that Proposition 8 was such an to the rights of that it revised the rather than merely amending it. Scholars split on the of that argument, and although the strong of rejectedit, an opportunistic justice might have seized the chance to solidify his .

Instead, George subordinated his — as evidenced by his writing — to the weight of constitutional opinion. He voted to uphold the proposition, even though it undid his own work. Permitted latitude within the strictures of the in the first case, George was able to his ; by the in the second case, he yielded.

Such is the of a principled judicial officer, but those concerned only with results already have signaled their unhappiness with George. The moneyed interests that supported Proposition 8 last fall are considering whether to finance a campaign against George next year. Supporters of , who championed his heroism in 2008, were bitterly disappointed when the court upheld the hateful .

This is not . Corporate interests are not knocking off justices who disagree with them and seating more accommodating replacements. But has no place in our judicial life any more than it does in Appalachia. The 1986 campaign against Bird and her now stands for many as a reminder that well-intentioned systems of accountability may be hijacked by special interests, a lesson learned too often and at great cost in California. It was misguided in its first iteration; it would be regrettable in its second.

See A court battle California doesn’t need

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Slim on LGBT Cases, Sotomayor Wins Gay Praise

Though she has a slim record on , , , and issues, is winning support from some to be the next on the US .”We applaud for choosing Judge to become our nation’s next US Justice,” said , of the Campaign, in a May 26 press statement. “The US decides cases that intimately affect the lives of all Americans. We are confident that has a demonstrated understanding and commitment to protecting the liberty and of all Americans.” See Slim on LGBT Cases, Sotomayor Wins Gay Praise -
Video: Who is Sotomayor?
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No, Sonia Sotomayor Isn’t Gay. But Is She Gay Friendly?
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Same-Sex Unions Supplant Abortion As Social Priority for Conservatives In Fight Over High Court Pick

As prepares to name his first justice, in Washington are making clear that his nominee will plenty of questions during the process on the legal of same- .

In addition to shedding more light on the nation’s most contentious unfolding and , say the could provide a road to an nominee’s .

“It may reflect the degree to which they think that they’re not by the classical meaning of the , and that they may want to let a personal go beyond what the law said,” said Sen. Jeff Sessions (Ala.), the senior on the .

Questions on in hearings have tended for the past 30 years to squarely on , with partisans from both sides poring over a nominee’s writings and rulings and presidents typically denying that any “” was employed in the selection.

Same- carries the same freighted potential to dominate a hearing, say.

“It is now the flash point where and law meet. That flash point used to be . I don’t think anybody thinks that’s going to be the flash point in this ,” said William A. Jacobson, a Cornell University and .

Sen. Orrin G. Hatch (Utah), another member of the , said are particularly eager to avoid a ruling akin to the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision, which legalized and has divided the country ever since. “I don’t think of the court, or any of us, ever want to see a decision like that again,” Hatch said. assured the senator in a recent meeting that he will not pick a “radical” to replace Souter, but Hatch added: “Presidents always say that. That’s why we have the hearing process.”

Same- gained national resonance in the wake of last month’s Iowa ruling that legalized the practice in that state. And in the two weeks since Justice David H. Souter announced his retirement, also legalized same- , becoming the fifth state to do so; the legislature sent a - bill to the governor; the Assembly approved - ; and the District of voted to recognize same- marriages performed elsewhere.

Those actions, in so short a time, have outstripped the ability of in Washington to out their on the issue. MORE at

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A Gay Justice?

Former Stanford Law School dean Kathleen Sullivan is, according to the National Law Journal, one of the 100 most influential in America. She’s a nationally prominent and teacher of constitutional law, and author of the nation’s leading casebook in constitutional law.
Stanford Law School professor Pamela Karlan clerked for former , is founding director of Stanford’s , and is a leading expert on voting and the political process.
Sullivan and are both frequently mentioned as possible nominees for .
Both women also happen to be openly . … Peter , a senior at the Family Research Council, says that “the real issue would not be the person’s private life but the issue would be would they be imposing their upon the court. In this case would they be imposing a pro ideology, a pro-same ideology.”
Sullivan, for instance, joined a friend of the court brief arguing that same should be legal even if the “equal protection” clause “would not always have been interpreted by the courts to forbid against .” Not allowing same is a violation of “both and equal protection; the former because the right to marry is a form of liberty and the latter because the treats and men differently from straight individuals.”
That she believes that because she’s , and not because she believes the refusal to allow same constitutes unconstitutional , is another matter.
Either way, discussion about a Justice Sullivan or a Justice comes at a time when the administration is hearing some impatience voiced by and on other issues.
“I think there is some in the community that ( ) ’t in this initial period spoken more directly and more forcefully about some of the issues he spoke about on the campaign,” Richard Socarides, a former to on and issues, told us for today. “Specifically the ‘Don’t ask/Don’t tell’ policy in the military.” See Gay Justice?
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GOP Senator Admits He Is Too Big A Bigot To Accept A Gay Supreme Court Justice

Sen. :

“I know the administration is being pushed, but I think it would be a too far right now,” said the . “It seems to me this first pick is going to be a kind of important one, and my hope is that he’ll play it a little more down the middle. A of would react very negatively.”

See Fellow GOP Senator: Gay Nominee A “Bridge Too Far”

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