Gay marriage stalls as RI lawmakers wrap up

, R.I. — seems almost certain to remain the only state that does not recognize after legalizing same- stalled just before the part-time ended the bulk of its annual work.

None of the bills legalizing same- in advanced to a floor this session, continuing a trend begun in 1997.

The lack of action on means that is unlikely to allow same- anytime soon, despite this year by in , and to join and in legalizing .

“I was hoping the that was going around and the support we had in the House would get enough representatives to ask for it,” said Rep. (D-Warwick), who is and sponsored same- . He and his wed in .

Equally disappointed were , who wanted voters to be able to decide whether the state should be changed to ban .

“I think that if you put it to the voters on a , would fail,” said Rep. Jon Brien, D-Woonsocket.
See Gay marriage stalls as RI lawmakers wrap up

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Schwarzenegger says Proposition 8 may violate U.S. Constitution

Gov. has declined to defend the of Proposition 8, telling a judge that the legality of the anti- measure is for the courts to decide.

The governor’s decision to remain neutral in a to Proposition 8 means no statewide official will be defending the measure in federal court.

Proposition 8 resurrected a ban on same- , receiving 52% of the in the November election. The California ruled 6-1 last month that the measure did not violate the state .

See Schwarzenegger says Proposition 8 may violate U.S. Constitution

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LA Times Editorial: A court battle California doesn’t need

The ’s ruling last week in the case of a grandiosely unethical justice opened a new field of constitutional review — the high court may now consider when an elected state court has been so tainted by that requires him to recuse himself from a case.

In , a coal executive spent more than $3 million to unseat a sitting state justice; it was well spent, as the justice was defeated by voters and replaced by Brent Benjamin. Benjamin then did what was expected of him and cast a deciding in overturning a $50-million against the executive’s .

Benjamin’s in the case assured him a place in the ’s of , and his was so blatant that the U.S. majority that rebuked him argued that it was not opening the door to many future . Surely, it reasoned, no justice will behave this badly again. That may or may not prove to be true — the court offered little in the way of guidance as to what constitutes impermissible — yet Benjamin’s case sadly but surely will not be the last in which big- and collide.

Indeed, California has wrestled with this problem before — and quite possibly could again.

California’ for selecting justices is much better than ’s. Candidates for the court here are nominated by the governor, confirmed by a state commission and then placed on the . They must periodically stand for retention, but they are not, as they are in , subject to direct challenge by candidates. A retention election can cost a justice his or her seat, but it does not let voters kick out one justice and install their own replacement.

California’s rules have helped balance the ’s independence with the public’s fair on accountability, but even this state’s reasonable retention process has been subject to tilt. Most notable was the 1986 retention election that removed Bird and two , Cruz Reynoso and Joseph Grodin. Much has gone into that race in the since, and opinions differ on its . Two truths, however, stand the test of deep inquiry: The forces arrayed against Bird were not motivated solely by her to the — that was cover for a second complaint, which was her defense of consumer rights against corporate power — and Reynoso and Grodin were victims of a special-interest crusade against a vulnerable chief.

Would that we could relegate that episode to California’s history. In fact, the state rumbles with discontent over its high court and chief, and those stirrings contain alarming of the battle of 1986.

At issue are the court’s rulings on same- and Proposition 8, and its , Ronald M. George. In May 2008, the court overturned the state’s ban on , striking a for in the grandest of constitutional protection of . A few months later, after voters approved Proposition 8 and amended the state to ban the same institution that the court had upheld, George and his upheld the amendment. Both times, George wrote for the majority. He thus angered of in 2008 and supporters of it in 2009.

By California’s rules, George a retention election in 2010, and some predict that he could from either side — or even both — in this polarizing .

That would be a for the state’s , an unfortunate attack on and an unfair castigation of one of this state’s most principled and admirable public officials. In the - cases, George’s votes demonstrated , professionalismand restraint. He voted to uphold same- out of the strong — which this page shares — that the does not allow society to deny the protection of to any more than it once denied it to those united across race. The ruling was right on the law, and will certainly be validated over the long march of history.

Months later, voters tacked in the other , narrowly rejecting and amending the to allow California to recognize only the of . That was challenged, naturally, and the lawsuit offered the court the opportunity to extend its earlier ruling, though on shaky for same- argued that Proposition 8 was such an to the rights of that it revised the rather than merely amending it. Scholars split on the of that argument, and although the strong of rejectedit, an opportunistic justice might have seized the chance to solidify his .

Instead, George subordinated his — as evidenced by his writing — to the weight of constitutional opinion. He voted to uphold the proposition, even though it undid his own work. Permitted latitude within the strictures of the in the first case, George was able to his ; by the in the second case, he yielded.

Such is the of a principled judicial officer, but those concerned only with results already have signaled their unhappiness with George. The moneyed interests that supported Proposition 8 last fall are considering whether to finance a campaign against George next year. Supporters of , who championed his heroism in 2008, were bitterly disappointed when the court upheld the hateful .

This is not . Corporate interests are not knocking off justices who disagree with them and seating more accommodating replacements. But has no place in our judicial life any more than it does in Appalachia. The 1986 campaign against Bird and her now stands for many as a reminder that well-intentioned systems of accountability may be hijacked by special interests, a lesson learned too often and at great cost in California. It was misguided in its first iteration; it would be regrettable in its second.

See A court battle California doesn’t need

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Gay Marriage Battle Heats Up In Nation’s Capital NPR

Until 2004, same- couldn’t wed anywhere in the country. Now, is legal in , , Iowa, , and most recently .
Despite these historic by the rights movement, though, the is still a nation divided over whether to redefine .
The California on May 26 upheld the state’s voter-approved on , but ruled that some 18,000 same- who wed before Proposition 8 took effect would still be married under state law.
Twenty-nine other states have enshrined voter-approved blocking same- in their state as a way to keep from overturning the bans. See Gay Marriage Battle Heats Up In Nation’s Capital

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California court upholds marriage ban; existing unions still legal

The California today upheld a that amended the state to deny rights to and . But the ruling did confirm the legality of 18,000 that were conducted between the time of a previous judicial order and the November election. Los Angeles Times (5/26) , ABC News (5/26) , San Jose Mercury News (Calif.)

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Polls show Pa. resisting tide favoring gay marriage

ONE OF the big political stories of 2009 has been the surge in American for and the growing - including the of Iowa - that have legalized the practice, but here in the pages of this are still blank.

Even as the neighboring states of New York and New Jersey seem to be racing to legalize , perhaps as early as this year, for rights in find themselves still locked in a defensive . Indeed, state Sen. , of , intends today to introduce an amendment to the state aimed at blocking any courts from approving same- in the .

“Clearly, is among Alabama and Mississippi in terms of rights,” said , the of the Forum, the -rights- based in .

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Polls show Pa. resisting tide favoring gay marriage

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Anti-gay amendment resurfaces in Penn.

(Harrisburg, ) A proposed amendment to ’s state banning same- that failed twice before resurfaced Tuesday.

state Sen. , pointing to the legalization of in Iowa and four , time is running out to preserve the “traditional family” in .

The state already has …

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Conservatives press for gay marriage ban in NJ

(Trenton, New Jersey) A coalition of socially groups is pressing the to ask voters in 2010 to amend the state to bar same- .

The call came as became the fifth state to legalize same- and a similar bill in passed the …

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California Gay Marriage Backers to Try Again

Same- in California, anticipating a loss in court, are preparing to make their case at the in 2010 rather than waiting until 2012.

“The is now,” San Francisco Mayor Gavin Newsom told News. “And if that means going back in 2010, I couldn’t be more supportive.”

“Wait almost always means never,” he added, invoking Jr.

approved Proposition 8 in November, a change to the state banning same- . Although a decision has not yet been rendered in the to Proposition 8, many in California expect the state to uphold the voter-approved ban on new gay marriages while leaving intact the marriages performed in 2008 when a decision of the state’s High Court had temporarily legalized the practice.

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Utah prime location for gay-rights movement

 

Larabee is a , out and living in , where the shadow of the church can feel long and cold for who are .

“My who don’t live here think I’m nuts,” said Larabee, a former Air Force officer and financial planner, who moved to Utah in 1997 and now runs the Center on ’s west side.

While much of the in fits and starts toward greater acceptance of and endorsement of , the politically active Church of Christ of Latter-day Saints and the often ultra- -dominated Utah Legislature have found themselves squarely on the opposite side of that trend.

In the U.S., is legal in , Iowa, , and . Utah has made it illegal twice: Once in statute and again when voters banned the practice in the state .

Undaunted, say the political and social in many ways make this “the best time” to be in Utah. The , , and community — especially along the -dense — is growing and energized.

“I think we are the frontline of the culture war,” said Williams, a former and the host of “Radioactive,” a talk show on . “This is where the fight is and this is where the really exciting stuff is happening.”


Utah prime location for gay-rights movement

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