Voter ‘animus’ to be issue in Calif marriage case

When the U.S. overturned an amendment to the Colorado that outlawed protections for , same- could not enter into civil or anywhere in the nation, much less get married.

But as they seek to persuade a to strike down California’s ban on marriages, for two unmarried are using that 13-year-old decision as their road — one they expect will eventually the high court to take up the issue.

In the , Romer v. Evans, the majority held that voters’ dislike of and the laws that several cities had approved to shield them from motivated the state amendment. Such “,” it said, was incompatible with the section of the U.S. that requires the government to treat its equally absent a compelling reason to do otherwise.

The behind the challenge to California’s Proposition 8 plan to argue during a Thursday that by stripping of the right to wed, the voter-approved ban runs afoul of America’s founding framework in the same way — and for the same reason.

“Romer is a strikingly similar situation to what we have here. You had a ballot , a majority of the , taking away a right,” said Theodore J. Boutrous Jr., a member of the legal team by former U.S. General and trial . “And there was no or rationale other than by that majority of that group.”

U.S. District Vaughn R. Walker on Tuesday issued a tentative order to fast-track the case in his court.

Among the questions he said he wants covered at trial are whether is unchangeable, if permitting same- “destabilizes” traditional and whether Proposition 8’s ballot history demonstrates the measure had “discriminatory intent.”

California , a in the case, has sided with rights and declined to defend the ban, which overturned a California ruling that had legalized same- marriages. The state five weeks ago upheld the measure, saying it represented a valid of voters’ authority to amend the California .

Proposition 8’s sponsors, a coalition of religious called Protect , has been given permission to intervene in the federal case. In court papers, the group’s rejected the that anti- fueled the November measure and that the 1996 was applicable.

“Nothing in , either Proposition 8 or otherwise, indicates that harbor towards and individuals,” they wrote.

Since the U.S. ’s 6-3 decision, for rights and Christian have debated whether the Romer decision could be used to expand rights. The ruling marked the first time the determined that the ’s guarantees extended to and .

“The basic point of Romer is that government cannot ever out of toward a group of , and whether that is in the context of or anti- law, the point carries over,” said Suzanne Goldberg, who worked on the case and now directs ’s and Gender Law Program.

The ruling has been cited, though so far unsuccessfully, in past to bans in Nebraska and Florida. At the same time, rights mostly have shied away from pursuing federal cases in favor of pursuing rights in .

Legal on both sides of the agree, however, that California’s Proposition 8 questions

that could make the issue ripe for federal action.

See Voter ‘animus’ to be issue in Calif marriage case
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Is White House’s inaction a step towards lifting military ban?

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SURPRISE: Calif. AG: Overturn Proposition 8

— State , in a , asked the California on Friday to overturn Proposition 8, saying the voter-approved ban on same- violates basic rights guaranteed in the state .

Brown, who is required to defend unless he cannot find reasonable legal grounds to do so, said after Prop. 8 passed Nov. 4 that he would support the before the state’s high court.

But in a lengthy filing late Friday, he argued that the was “inconsistent with the guarantees of ” in California’s governing charter.

“Proposition 8 must be invalidated because the amendment process cannot be used to extinguish without compelling ,” Brown said.

The authors of the state , he said, did not intend “to put a group’s right to enjoy liberty to a popular .”

Hours earlier, sponsors of Prop. 8 filed arguments asking the court to uphold the , which passed with a 52 percent majority. , attorney for the Yes on 8 campaign, said he was disappointed by Brown’s stance.

“It’s unfortunate that the would not do his duty to defend the will of the voters,” Pugno said.

The position of the , the state’s top , ordinarily carries considerable weight with the court. Brown’s office was on the losing side, however, when the court overturned California’s previous ban on same- in May.

Asked about his change of position, Brown said that since his the day after the election, he and senior in his office had looked closely at the court’s and at the recent ruling and concluded they couldn’t defend Prop. 8.

“We have a conflict between the amendment power (through ) and the duty of the to protect and safeguard liberty,” Brown said.

Fundamental rights in the state , including the right to marry that the state’s high court has recognized, “become a dead letter if they can just be amended” by popular , Brown said.

The Yes on 8 forces’ brief was filed by Kenneth Starr, the former Whitewater special prosecutor and now of Pepperdine University . He argued that the court should preserve the ’s lawmaking powers by upholding the and invalidating 18,000 same- weddings performed before the election.

Prop. 8 “does not broadly seek to diminish or eliminate the constitutional or of and ,” but is simply “about restoring and maintaining the traditional definition of ,” Starr said. of legal , he said, require “judges - as servants of the - to bow to the will of those whom they serve.”

The court ruled 4-3 on May 15 that California’s ban on same- violated the constitutional rights of and to marry the of their choice and discriminated on the basis of . Prop. 8 amended the state to overturn the ruling and declare that only between a man and a is “valid or recognized in California.”

The court is reviewing lawsuits filed by and and by an array of local governments, by , that contend the exceeded the legal limits on initiatives by destroying fundamental rights and stripping judges of their authority to protect a historically persecuted minority.

Such profound changes, the argue, amount to a constitutional revision - not merely an amendment - and require a two-thirds of the Legislature to reach the ballot.

The justices could hear the cases as early as March and would be required to rule within 90 days. Other interested parties on both sides are scheduled to submit written arguments Jan. 15.

Starr argued Friday that Prop. 8 is a relatively modest measure and not the type of far-reaching change that qualifies as a constitutional revision.

“It simply reinstates the traditional definition of without any impact on the foundational powers of government,” he wrote. Judges, Starr said, retain their power to interpret the law and have never held a “ to protect minority rights or ensure apart from the law.”

He also said Prop. 8’s language, declaring that only marriages between men and women are “valid or recognized,” invalidates all same- marriages conducted in California and bars the state from acknowledging those performed elsewhere. That intention was underscored by Yes on 8 ballot arguments declaring that only opposite- marriages would be recognized in the state “regardless of when or where performed,” Starr said.

Brown disagreed on that issue as well, saying in his brief that Prop. 8 did not explicitly state it would apply retroactively. If upheld, he said, the measure should be interpreted to apply only to marriages performed since it passed.

The agreed with Starr that the is not a constitutional revision and does not weaken judicial powers. But Brown said Prop. 8 with the Declaration of Rights, the basic guarantees of liberty declared in the first sentences of California’s .

As the “chief law officer of the state,” Brown said in his brief, he is “duty to uphold the whole of the ” and not merely the power of the to change the laws by .

The case is Strauss vs. Horton, S168047. E-mail Bob Egelko at begelko@sfchronicle.com.

http://sfgate.com/-bin/article.?f=/c/a/2008/12/20/MN6514RNVU.DTL

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